The world of work is gradually becoming a universe of professional galaxies. Whilst the spread of ever-new technologies and the unfolding of the Fourth Industrial Revolution are certainly rendering some jobs obsolete, at the same time they are opening up new horizons for the emergence of new professions, requiring skills that differ from those of the past. As if in a sort of ‘big bang’, we are witnessing – almost daily – an expansion of the world of work and the emergence of new activities. The consequences of such phenomena affect a wide range of areas and present new challenges in the sphere of rights and duties, of businesses and workers, of protection and representation. Take representation, for instance. It has become a complicated business for all organised interest groups, let’s be clear: from business associations to professional and institutional bodies, not to mention political parties. But workers’ organisations, above all, have a long history behind them and are themselves experiencing animpasse. This stems from a number of reasons.
The first lies precisely in the progressive fragmentation of work. Whereas previously the factory’s ‘working class’ constituted the defining (and cultural) element – the mandatory point of reference from a contractual perspective – today workers are ‘outside the class’. Workers represent a minority and, even within this group, there is a mix of different roles. Other trades and professions have grown in number. Work is becoming more widespread in terms of both location and form, with irregular working hours and a growing difficulty in distinguishing between manual and intellectual labour. Trade unions are struggling to reach and represent them. Consequently, the confederal structure and traditional solidarity among workers are becoming more complicated and complex to manage, as interests multiply. Thus, specific organisations have emerged to protect particular groups of workers, proliferating and diluting representation.
There is also a second factor to consider: representation is achieved through at least one interlocutor (whether from the business or political sphere). But if even this interlocutor finds themselves in a position of weakness, the role of advocating for interests becomes correspondingly more difficult. Past governments (first Berlusconi’s, then Renzi’s) sought to bypass the ‘intermediary bodies’, circumventing them and pursuing a direct relationship with the relevant sectors. The results of such an approach, following a period of confrontation, ultimately led to a reversal of course. In reality, this was due more to the failings of politics than to the merits of the trade unions, which are often stuck in defensive positions. But within these processes, another factor contributes to complicating the task of representation: changes in work cultures. The growing emphasis placed on individual agency and workplace relationships, identification with the company, the notion of work as a path to professional development, and the valuing of merit: are all aspects that have become widely prevalent in workers’ attitudes, but which trade unions struggle to understand and, above all, to translate into concrete safeguards and collective bargaining. Last but not least, the strength of representation is fuelled by the reputation and esteem an organisation enjoys beyond its core constituency. This is precisely the focus of Community Media Research’s study: how have the views of the general public and workers towards trade unions changed over time? First of all, we observe a divergence between the views expressed by the general public, on the one hand, and workers, on the other, regarding the role of trade unions in Italy. In the collective imagination, the importance attributed to trade unions in their role of protecting workers and contributing to the country’s development is on the rise. As many as 40.0 per cent believe that things in Italy would be worse if trade unions did not exist (compared with 33.1 per cent in 2015), whilst those who would gladly do without them remain below 30 per cent (27.7 per cent in 2015). There is no doubt that opposition to the Jobs Act, the battle over vouchers and referendum campaigning have paid off in terms of visibility. However, the picture is different if we focus on workers, the trade unions’ core constituency. In the late 1990s, the majority of employees (54.5 per cent in 1998) viewed the trade unions in a positive light. Gradually, however, this figure has fallen, settling today at 43.3 per cent. Conversely, the proportion of those who believe that things in Italy would be better without the trade unions has risen to 30.5 per cent (it was 13.1 per cent in 1998), whilst the proportion of those who are indifferent (26.2 per cent, down from 32.4 per cent in 1998) towards these organisations has decreased. These findings stem from the view that trade unions are unable to protect workers’ interests (66.9 per cent, compared with 54.5 per cent in 2015). The reasons for this perceived inability have remained largely unchanged over time. On the one hand, trade unions are viewed in the same light as political parties (47.1 per cent); on the other, they are not considered capable of understanding the current changes in the world of work (35.3 per cent).
Such outcomes confirm, once again, the need for a revisiting, above all cultural, of labour representation. The experiences, on closer inspection, are not lacking. The contractual 'renewal' of Federmeccanica and that of CNA signed together with CGIL-CISL-UIL are proof of how it is possible to innovate starting from new (conditional) visions of labour. They testify that - albeit with difficulty - a trade union (of workers, as well as entrepreneurs) can re-interpret its role. Because in the age of galaxies of labour, there is a need for someone who can offer a common universe.
Daniele Marini
Methodological note
Community Media Research carried out the LaST (Laboratory on Society and the Territory) Survey, which took place nationwide from 6 to 12 April 2015 amongst a representative sample of the resident population in Italy aged over 18. The methodological aspects and data collection were handled by the specialist firm Questlab. The total number of respondents was 1,655 (out of 14,103 contacts). The data analysis was reweighted according to gender, region, age group, employment status and educational qualification. The margin of error is +/-2.4%. The survey was conducted via a visual survey on the main social media platforms and using a random sample reached via CAWI and CATI systems. Full report available at www.agcom.it e www.communitymediaresearch.it
