Meritocratic (76.0%) and politically far-sighted (63.3%): this is the new face of the Italy of the future, the salient characteristics for looking at the future profile of the country. Could it be otherwise after the vicissitudes of recent decades? It is no coincidence that the meritocratic dimension is most emphasised by 30-year-olds (83.5%) and 40-year-olds (79.8%), by the male component (78.4%), by those in the centre (81.0%) and centre-right (87.5%) of the political spectrum, by entrepreneurs (85.0%) and by those living in the South (80.7%). A far-sighted policy capable of tackling the problems is shared across the board by those interviewed, although greater intensity is found among those in the centre (72.8%) and those not in the traditional political line-up (73.4%). These aspects are followed more detachedly by other dimensions that denote a split in the opinion of those interviewed (reformist, less parties and more society), or a minority option (pro-European, sober, more society and less state, moderate). What is striking, however, is the low degree of consensus regarding some more typical features of Italy's public debate of recent years and identity tradition. A future of the country characterised by Catholic identity is strongly desired by only 19.2% of the population and even less federalist (17.3%), consumerist (3.7%), conservative (3.0%) and individualist (1.9%).
As before, an attempt was made to capture through statistical analysis (factor analysis) the most common dimensions. Four prevailing groups emerged. Despite being at the bottom of the classification, a first cultural orientation is constituted by the 'ego-consumerists', i.e. those who emphasise the conservative, individualist, consumerist, but also Catholic and moderate aspect, as opposed to the dimension of a reformist, Europeanist, sober Italy. It is above all the older generations (over 50 and, above all, over 65), the male component, who are positioned from the centre to the right of the political spectrum. It is, therefore, a consolidated cultural core, which shows strong roots. The second group is represented by those who would like a 'de-institutionalised' Italy, where the state leaves room for society, where civil participation assumes a more important role than the parties. The over-65s, those who do not belong to the traditional political spectrum or express a centre-right culture, the precarious and flexible workers, and those who live in the North West, support more strongly a fluid perspective of Italian society. The third group can be identified around the idea of 'sobriety'. These respondents look to an Italy where the value of moderation, meritocracy and sobriety constitute a founding element. This orientation is espoused, in particular, by those who place themselves in the centre of the political spectrum and those who do not, by the employed and the inactive, and by those who live in southern Italy. The fourth group is represented by the 'neo-institutionalists', by those who look to the future of Italy in a pro-European key and, above all, with a far-sighted political class. It is above all the youngest (under 34), those who place themselves on the centre-left, the left and those who do not place themselves on the political spectrum, entrepreneurs and those who live in the North East of Italy, who look most favourably on this option.
