{"id":5129,"date":"2017-07-02T09:34:28","date_gmt":"2017-07-02T09:34:28","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.communitymediaresearch.it\/?p=5129"},"modified":"2026-01-19T18:48:00","modified_gmt":"2026-01-19T17:48:00","slug":"i-partiti-a-nordest-essenziali-per-la-democrazia-ma-voti-piu-selettivi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.community.it\/en\/2017\/07\/02\/i-partiti-a-nordest-essenziali-per-la-democrazia-ma-voti-piu-selettivi\/","title":{"rendered":"Parties in the North-East: essential for democracy but more selective votes"},"content":{"rendered":"

The relationship between northeasterners, parties and politics is marked by a mixed feeling, which was also reflected in the recent local elections. Attracted more by civic lists than by parties, those who went to vote. Encouraged to abstain, the others. Could it be otherwise? We are still living through a process of settling of the national political system that began with the fall of the First Republic, but which at a distance of about a quarter of a century (sic!) has still not been consolidated. The changes of course are so sudden - see what is happening on electoral reform - that they leave even the most experienced political analysts disoriented. While the world is changing, political actors are caught up in internal logics, incapable of expressing coherent visions of the future, far-reaching projects. It is inevitable, therefore, that the electorate appears disoriented, sometimes disillusioned and detached. However, it is not standing still and something seems to be transforming in the orientations. The latest survey on the opinions of the population tried to sound out the orientations of northeasterners on these issues. Let us try to gather the main signals that emerge.<\/p>\n

The first is that, despite everything, for a large majority of the population the parties are considered an essential element for the exercise of democracy: 63.2% believe that democracy cannot function without them, particularly in Friuli Venezia Giulia (80.6%). This does not mean that there is trust in parties, because as is well known the trust attributed to political institutions (with the exception of the President of the Republic) is very low. The parties on the political market today do not meet expectations: more than half are interested in politics, but they do not like the parties as they are today (56.2%). Despite the novelty of participation via the web, the one-world-one, light and plastic parties, the idea prevails that a structured organisation of consensus and presence on the ground is still the most appropriate instrument to make a democracy work. It is interesting to observe how this thesis is most strongly supported by the younger generations (72.7%) and by those who position themselves in the centre-left political area (78.6%), while on the other hand those who do not position themselves along the traditional right-left axis believe that party forms are not so necessary (53.1%). Perhaps a need for renewed points of reference in politics as well, perhaps cultures that are more attentive to the functioning mechanisms of democracy: in any case, there is a need to rethink the party form. This point is closely linked to the second signal: traditional political categories. Now, in recent decades we have experienced the progressive mutation of acronyms and political formations, including splits, recompositions, and the emergence of new subjects. All this, however, has occurred without any radical reflection on value horizons, basic visions and courses of action. What 'right' or 'left' means today, in a profoundly changed social and economic context, is a question that is hard to answer. But the absence of preliminary reasoning leads to the construction of movements and parties or fragile mergers and alliances of uncertain duration. Thus, for a conspicuous part of north-easterners (60.4%) the traditional right\/centre\/left categories have now lost their meaning, are no longer able to help interpret phenomena, and they find themselves orphans of cultural (and political) reference horizons. Therefore, a reflection on political cultures, reference values and their declinations must be put before the party form: new and coherent narratives are needed. The third signal refers to the relationship between voters and parties. A comparison with a similar survey carried out in 2015 highlights how the interest of North-easterners in politics has changed. We can identify four groups of voters. The 'identified', those who identify with a party, make up 16.9%. This is a stable share over time (16.4% in 2015), slightly more present in Friuli Venezia Giulia (20.6%). The second group is of those 'interested' in politics, even if they do not like parties (19.9%): also substantially stable over the years (16.9% in 2015), again more widespread in Friuli Venezia Giulia (22.2%). But it is the 'negotiators' (42.9%, 19.6% in 2015) who are on the increase: they assess from time to time on the basis of programmes and people to whom they give their vote. They are the majority everywhere, but in Trentino-Alto Adige (50.2%) they stand out the most. On the other hand, the 'disillusioned' (20.3%, 49.9% in 2015), those who do not find parties close to their own ideas or believe they are not needed, also the result of the election campaign that mobilises people, are decreasing. Thus, the weakening of disillusionment with parties, rather than fostering identification processes, fuels a negotiating relationship that goes beyond traditional alignments and configures a mobile and selective voter. Who uses the vote (and also the non-vote) in an instrumental way, less of a sense of belonging. In this sense, comes the fourth signal: the growing assumption of responsibility. There is a strong awareness that in order to do well in politics, specific preparation is required (81.5%, especially among Friuli-Julians and Trentino-Alto Adige citizens). And self-criticism, so much so that 82.3% believe that if politics is poor, the responsibility also lies with citizens (especially in Friuli Venezia Giulia and Trentino-Alto Adige).
\nWe come from years in which scandals and privileges of the political caste are rightly denounced almost daily by the media and mocked by satire. A long operation destruens has been carried out, however, severely undermining the reputation of politicians and parties. In spite of a widespread imagination, the northeasterners are more attentive to politics than they are given credit for. The Friulians are relatively closer to the parties than the Venetians and Trentino-Alto Adige. The latter, on the other hand, are more negotiating and disillusioned. Many, however, selective in their choices. Today they are looking for parties construens: capable of planning and coherent narratives on the future.<\/p>\n